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SC follows a two-part submission process, with abstracts due by March 19, 2018 and full papers by March 28, 2018 (No extensions) . Abstracts and papers must be submitted to the online submissions system . A sample submission form is also available.

(No extensions)

An abstract submission is required in order to submit a full paper. Again, no extensions will be granted for papers this year.

Again, no extensions will be granted for papers this year.

Submissions are limited to 10 pages using 10pt fonts in the IEEE format . The 10-page limit includes figures, and tables, but does not include references and appendices, for which there is no page limit. Reproducibility initiative dependencies (Artifact Description or Computational Results Analysis) are also not included in the 10-page limit.

As in previous years, submissions will be double-blind. We note that track chairs will be able to view the authors of submissions during the selection to monitor conflicts and manage the overall process. Further author instructions can be found here.

All submissions must indicate one of the nine designated tracks as the primary area of contribution. One of the remaining areas may be indicated as a secondary area of contribution.

Submission material cannot overlap substantially with any paper previously accepted for publication or under review by any conference or journal during the SC review process. Authors should follow IEEE publication policies .

Members of the Technical Papers Committee are limited to at most three submissions, regardless of area of contribution. The Area Chairs and Vice-Chairs are limited to at most one submission, not in their area. The Technical Papers Co-chairs, General Co-chairs and the Technical Program Co-chairs are not permitted to submit any papers, regardless of area of contribution.

The SC18 Technical Papers Committee will rigorously review all submissions with the goal of selecting the best technical contributions across both established and emerging areas of HPC. SC18 will continue the tradition of author rebuttals of reviews and extend it with optional lightweight revisions. The review process acceptance criteria will concentrate on originality, technical soundness, presentation quality, timeliness, impact and relevance to SC. Papers that focus on the context of a single node, core, thread, or GPU should clearly establish how the work will impact supercomputing.

Papers that focus on the context of a single node, core, thread, or GPU should clearly establish how the work will impact supercomputing.

Another possible reason for the lag is that many White House staffers, serving as they do in a stridently anti-government administration, were imported from the private sector — unlike previous administrations full of old Washington hands who had already been cleared to serve in government.

And then there’s the fact that, even before Trump moved in to the White House, there was an existing crisis in processing security clearances. A recent Government Accountability Office study found that the security-clearance backlog had ballooned from 190,000 cases in August 2014 to more than 709,000 by September 2017.

The FBI initiates a background check, but the White House Office of Presidential Personnel must sign off on clearances for the process to move forward; if they fail to do so, the staffer in question is stuck with an interim clearance. It’s easy to imagine that this ever-disordered administration is at least partly to blame for the lag.

“At the end of the day, if we are going to solve this problem, we are going to have to fix the way we issue clearances, by both getting faster and better at the process of vetting and clearing people, or ultimately denying people clearances and moving them on to other opportunities, but the current challenge cannot go unaddressed for much longer,” a former associate counsel to President George W. Bush, told CNN.

Whether it’s at fault or not, the White House has adopted a typically nonchalant posture about all the delays, seeming to calculate — correctly — that as long as Republicans control all three branches of power, nobody will bother with any kind of meaningful oversight on the matter.

It’s become an unhelpful cliché to ponder how Republicans would react ifDemocrats committed any of the moral or ethical violations that are so run-of-the-mill in the Trump White House. But to imagine the circus of hearings and accusations that would ensue if a Hillary Clinton presidency allowed dozens of possibly blackmail-vulnerable staffers access to top-secret information is to conjure an endless loop of hearings and accusations that would make the Benghazi investigation look tame.

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Karen Paget

Summer 1990

Citizen politics aims to spur a democratic resurgence at the grassroots. But as other forms of democratic participation decline, can citizen organizing make a difference?

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Unless you are an activist yourself, your personal contact with the world of citizen politics probably occurs when your doorbell rings. A canvasser, usually a young person with a clipboard and leaflets, tries to engage you in a discussion of a contemporary problem, perhaps toxic waste dumps, pesticides in the food chain, or rising utility rates. If you sign a petition or contribute a few dollars, you'll receive more material. Engage in a longer conversation and you may be recruited for active membership.

You're also likely to encounter citizen organizing by mail or telephone. There, too, you're asked for a financial contribution to help stop wars, prevent nuclear holocaust, slow ozone depletion, or protect abortion rights, free speech, gene pools, or animals. Occasionally, you may see rallies or demonstrations sponsored by these groups on television, but you will probably remain unaware of who or what is behind "Citizens for..." or "Citizens against...".

Citizen organizing, by neighborhood and by issue, is now entering its fourth decade and becoming a well-established feature of the American political landscape. Some activists and theorists see it as a big departure from conventional politics. They credit citizen organizations with reviving grassroots democracy, empowering previously marginalized groups, introducing issues to the public agenda excluded by more powerful interests, transforming passive citizens into active ones, inspiring a new populist revolt, restoring a progressive political coalition, and addressing social problems government has failed to solve.

Citizen organizations have undoubtedly increased participation, particularly at the local level. Yet any close observer of citizen organizations discerns a paradox. Their growth has occurred at a time when, by most measures, civic and political participation has deteriorated. Voting turnout rates have declined steadily even as these organizations have grown. Partisan affiliation has dwindled, as money has become the most important form of participation. Citizens consume political information mostly through one-way channels. The general public distrusts political institutions in general and politicians in particular. And while serving as a new medium of public activism, citizen organizations face some important constraints on their political role, in part because of requirements for successful fund-raising and for retaining tax-exempt status. As a result of both the larger political context and the limitation of community organizing itself, this movement has not done as much to empower the poor, revive democratic citizenship, or create new political majorities as its adherents have hoped. How to understand and remedy those limitations is the subject of a continuing debate.

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— In its fifth year, the musical gets a gigantic boost from its present Black Powerful cast — Pearl Bailey and Cab Calloway excelling and breathing new life into the old lines and measures.”

Hello, Dolly!

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a tour of La Marqueta, the Latin-food center in Spanish Harlem. She also gave New York her recipe for ropa vieja.

Rita Moreno

Put salt pork into hot iron kettle and render until crisp. Remove pork. Add annato seeds to hot fat, which will turn bright orange. When seeds begin to brown, remove pan from heat and remove seeds from fat. Put crisp pork back into fat and add, in the following order: onion, peppers, pumpkin, ham and coriander leaves. When onions are sauteed golden, add beef and cook until browned. Add water and bring to boil. Reduce heat and simmer, covered, 2 hours, adding water if necessary. Add olives, capers, tomatoes, and tomato sauce; cook for another hour, covered. Remove meat into bowl and shred it with two forks. Return meat to pot, add peas and tomato paste, and cook uncovered until sauce begins to thicken. Note: shredded meat tends to thicken sauce. Serve in bowl accompanied by white rice and habichuelas rojas (red beans in sauce).

“Many New Yorkers have taken conscious pains to upgrade their accents socially and confidently believe that they now have the neutral accent of ‘a radio announcer.’ Three pronunciations almost invariably give them away: owies for always (lower class l dropping); fo’ud for forward (dropping the r and the w ); frankfooter for frankfurter and footer moment for for the moment (lower class r dropping). “The fact is,” [CCNY professor Marshall] Berger tells me, “that a person who tries to change one or two elements in his speech pattern may end up in worse shape than he thought he was to begin with … Frankly, I like to hear people like Vito Battista and Jimmy Breslin talk. They have working-class accents and they don’t care who knows it.” — Tom Wolfe , in “You and Your Big Mouth: How the Honks and Wonks Reveal the Phonetic Truth About Status”

upgrade their accents Tom Wolfe

“Most designers admit that when they showed their first cutouts and bare looks, they thought of them as gags to make news headlines. They couldn’t have been more surprised when women took them up as serious fashion.” — Eugenia Sheppard on the see-through look

Eugenia Sheppard

Ho Chi Minh was a waiter in the Bronx.

Ho Chi Minh

I’m sure he worked in a Chinese laundry when he was young …

Sometime in the ’20s, he had a photography shop in Harlem …

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